The US Dust Bowl in the 1930s – recorded so evocatively by the music of Woody Guthrie – is another instance where
the erosion of natural resilience by human activity had catastrophic consequences.
Avid readers may remember this earlier post
in which I introduced the concept of environmental wealth and described the
collapse of southern Mesopotamian civilisation to show the severe consequences
that result when environmental resilience is not adequately valued. However, if
resilience is to be incorporated into comprehensive wealth accounting, simply
stating that environmental resilience is ‘valuable’ is not enough as accounting
frameworks require that all inputs are allocated an exact monetary value. This
interesting paper by Walker et al (2010) attempts to address this considerable
practical challenge, estimating a monetary value of agricultural resilience in
the Goulburn-Broken Catchment to variation in the water table.
Walker et al define ecological resilience
using Holling’s (1973) seminal interpretation that conceptualises resilience as
the capacity of a system to remain in a particular state or ‘regime' despite
temporary shocks. Holling argued that ecological systems move into alternate
‘regimes’ when a critical point is crossed and therefore resilience is
primarily determined by the proximity of a given system to such a threshold.
Anderies et al’s analysis of the Goulburn-Broken Catchment in South East
Australia (Anderies et al 2006) found that when the region’s water table rose to 2m below the
surface, natural processes drew saline groundwater upwards resulting in land
salinisation and, therefore, Walker et al take this 2m level as a natural
threshold.
By examining historical data on rainfall
variability in the basin, Walker et al are able to estimate the probability
that the 2m threshold will be exceeded, given any level of the water table in
the previous period. This allows the authors to establish the level of
resilience for a particular groundwater depth. The authors then use
agricultural land value figures from Whish-Wilson and Shafron (1997) to attach
a monetary value to the saline and non-saline states that, in turn, allows
monetary values to be calculated for each resilience level. Applying their
methodology, Walker et al find that between 1991 and 2001 unusually dry climate
conditions caused the water table to fall from 3m to 3.5m achieving an increase
in resilience worth roughly $23 million, which is equivalent to about 7% of the
region’s conventional wealth.
This may seem a bit technical and abstract,
but Walker et al’s experimental research is important. It’s all very well
saying that environmental services should be included in national accounts but
for this to be possible, methods of valuing these services need to be
developed. However, I think that Walker et al’s paper also highlights a
fundamental problem with resilience valuation.
The author’s entire valuation exercise
relies on the knowledge of a precise environmental threshold – in this case the
2m water table level – and therefore application of their valuation methodology
in other contexts is only possible if significant environmental thresholds can
be identified. Environmental complexity means many different types of
interdependent environmental resilience exist at a range of scales. For
example, the population resilience of freshwater species influences the
resilience of a freshwater body to nutrient enrichment and vice versa. This
means that natural thresholds are numerous and extremely hard to determine,
suggesting that the perfect knowledge required for resilience valuation is
highly unrealistic.
Because the resilience of ecosystems is
such a complex and contingent phenomenon, I believe that resilience valuation
is unfeasible, rendering the concept of environmental resilience incompatible
with comprehensive wealth accounting. Rather than using wealth indicators to
inform policy intervention, an alternative way of avoiding critical thresholds
would be to establish ‘safe minimum standard’ policy targets for a series of
environmental parameters. Although this doesn’t overcome the problem of
threshold identification entirely – as determining a ‘safe minimum standard’
inevitably requires some knowledge of what is ‘unsafe’ – exact knowledge of thresholds
isn’t necessary.
Attaching monetary values to environmental
resilience may offer the empirical precision so beloved by contemporary
economists, but the complexities of the real world make such an approach
impractical. When it comes to incorporating environmental resilience into
policy decisions, therefore, I reckon it’s better to be safe than
valued.
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